Tag Archives: LMICs

Towards a Unifying Theory for the Development of Health and Social Services as the Economy Develops in Countries

In a previous news blog I proposed grassroots solutions to the transportation of critically ill patients to hospital.[1] Other work has demonstrated the effectiveness of community action groups in many contexts, such as maternity care.[2] More recently I have read that the Kenyan government is proposing a combination of local authority and community action (Water Sector Trust Fund) to improve water and sewage in urban settlements.[3] The idea is for the local authority to provide the basic pipe infrastructure and then for local communities to establish linkages to bring water and sewage into homes. The government does not merely lay pipes, but also stimulates local involvement, including local subsidies and micro-enterprises. This epitomises collaboration between authorities and community groups.

In an extremely poor, post-conflict country, such as South Sudan, it is hard to find activities where the authorities and local people work together to improve health and wellbeing. On the other hand, in extremely rich countries like Norway and Switzerland, the government provides almost all that is required; all the citizen has to do is walk into the bathroom and turn on the tap.

The idea that is provoked by these many observations is that different solutions suit different countries at different points in their development. So much so obvious. Elaboration of the idea would go something like this. When a country is at the bottom end of the distribution for wealth, there is very little to be done other than put the basics of governance and law and order into place and try to reduce corruption. Once the country becomes more organised and slightly better off, a mixture of bottom-up and top-down solutions should be implemented. At this point, the tax base is simply too small for totally top-down, Norwegian style, solutions. In effect the bottom-up contribution makes good the tax deficit – it is a type of local and voluntary taxation. As the economy grows and as the middle class expands, the tax base increases and the government can take a larger role in funding and procuring (or providing) comprehensive services for its citizens.

This might seem anodyne written down as above. However, it is important to bear in mind that harm can be done by making the excellent the enemy of the good. Even before a substantial middle-class evolves in society, wealth is being generated. I recently visited a number of urban settlements (slums) in Nigeria, Pakistan and Kenya. All of these places were a hive of economic activity. This activity was mostly in the informal sector, generating small surpluses. Such wealth is invisible to the tax person, but it is there, and can be used. Using it requires organisation: “grit in the oyster”. The science base on how best to provide this ‘grit’ is gradually maturing. In order for it to do so, studies must be carried out across various types of community engagement and support. I expect this to be a maturing field of inquiry to which the global expansion of the CLAHRC message can contribute. Members of our CLAHRC WM team are engaging in such work through NIHR-funded programmes on health services and global surgery, and we hope to do so with regard to water and sanitation in the future.

— Richard Lilford, CLAHRC WM Director

References:

  1. Lilford RJ. Transport to Place of Care. NIHR CLAHRC West Midlands News Blog. 29 September 2017.
  2. Lilford RJ. Lay Community Health Workers. NIHR CLAHRC West Midlands News Blog. 10 April 2015.
  3. Water Sector Trust Fund, GIZ. Up-scaling Basic Sanitation for the Urban Poor (UBSUP) in Kenya. 2017.
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Transport to Place of Care

Availability of emergency transport is taken for granted in high-income countries. The debate in such countries relates to such matters as the marginal advantages of helicopters over vehicle ambulances, and what to do when the emergency team arrives at the scene of an accident. But in low- or low-middle-income countries, the situation is very different – in Malawi, for example, there is no pretence that a comprehensive ambulance system exists. The subject of transport does not seem to get attention commensurate with its importance. Researchers love to study the easy stuff – role of particulates in lung disease; prevalence of diabetes in urban vs. rural areas; effectiveness of vaccines. But study selection should not depend solely on tractability – the scientific spotlight should also encompass topics that are more difficult to pin down, but which are critically important. Transport of critically ill patients falls into this category.[1]

Time is of the essence for many conditions. Maternity care is an archetypal example,[2] where delayed treatment in conditions such as placental abruption, eclampsia, ruptured uterus, and obstructed labour can be fatal for mother and child. The same applies to acute infections (most notably meningococcal meningitis) and trauma where time is critical (even if there is no abrupt cut-off following the so called ‘golden hour’).[3] The outcome for many surgical conditions is affected by delay during which, by way of example, an infected viscus may rupture, an incarcerated hernia may become gangrenous, or a patient with a ruptured tubal pregnancy might exsanguinate. However, in many low-income countries less than one patient in fifty has access to an ambulance service.[4] What is to be done?

The subject has been reviewed by Wilson and colleagues in a maternity care context.[5] Their review revealed a number of papers based on qualitative research. They find the theory that one might have anticipated – long delays, lack of infrastructure, and so on. They also make some less intuitive findings. People think that having an emergency vehicle at the ready could bring bad luck, and that it is shameful to expose oneself when experiencing vaginal bleeding.

Quite a lot of work has been done on the use of satellites to develop isochrones based on distances,[6] gradients, and road provision. But working out how long it should take to reach a hospital does not say much about how long it takes in the absence of a service for the transport of acutely sick patients.

We start from the premise that, for the time being at least, a fully-fledged ambulance service is beyond the affordability threshold for many low-income countries. However, we note that many people make it to hospital in an emergency even when no ambulance is available. This finding makes one think of ‘grass-roots’ solutions; finding ways to release the capacity inherent in communities in order to provide more rapid transfers. An interesting finding in Wilson’s paper is that few people, even very poor people, could not find the money for transfer to a place of care in a dire emergency. However, this does not square with work on acutely ill children in Malawi (Nicola Desmond, personal communication), nor work done by CLAHRC WM researchers showing the large effects that user fees have in supressing demand, especially for children, in the Neno province of Malawi.[7] In any event, a grass roots solution should be sought, pending the day when all injured or acutely ill people have access to an ambulance. Possible solutions include community risk-sharing schemes, incentives to promote local enterprises to transport sick people, and automatic credit transfer arrangements to reimburse those who provide emergency transport.

I am leading a work package for the NIHR Global Surgery Unit, based at the University of Birmingham, concerned with access to care. We will describe current practice across purposively sampled countries, work with local people to design a ‘solution’, conduct geographical and cost-benefit analyses, and then work with decision-makers to implement affordable and acceptable improvement programmes. These are likely to involve a system of local risk-sharing (community insurance), IT facilitated transfer of funds, promotion of local transport enterprises, community engagement, and awareness raising. We are very keen to collaborate with others who may be planning work on this important topic.

— Richard Lilford, CLAHRC WM Director

References:

  1. United Nations. The Millennium Development Goals Report 2007. New York: United Nations; 2007.
  2. Forster G, Simfukew V, Barber C. Use of intermediate mode of transport for patient transport: a literature review contrasted with the findings of Transaid Bicycle Ambulance project in Eastern Zambia. London: Transaid; 2009.
  3. Lord JM, Midwinter MJ, Chen Y-F, Belli A, Brohi K, Kovacs EJ, Koenderman L, Kubes P, Lilford RJ. The systemic immune response to trauma: an overview of pathophysiology and treatment. Lancet. 2014; 384(9952): 1455-65.
  4. Nyamandi V, Zibengwa E. Mobility and Health. 2007. In: Wilson A, Hillman S, Rosato M, Costello A, Hussein J, MacArthur C, Coomarasamy A. A systematic review and thematic synthesis of qualitative studies on maternal emergency transport in low- and middle-income countries. Int J Gynaecol Obstet. 2013; 122(3): 192-201.
  5. Wilson A, Hillman S, Rosato M, Skelton J, Costello A, Hussein J, MacArthur C, Coomarasamy A. A systematic review and thematic synthesis of qualitative studies on maternal emergency transport in low- and middle-income countries. Int J Gynaecol Obstet. 2013; 122(3): 192-201.
  6. Frew R, Higgs G, Harding J, Langford M. Investigating geospatial data usability from a health geography perspective using sensitivity analysis: The example of potential accessibility to primary healthcare. J Transp Health 2017 (In Press).
  7. Watson SI, Wroe EB, Dunbar EL, Mukherjee J, Squire SB, Nazimera L, Dullie L, Lilford RJ. The impact of user fees on health services utilization and infectious disease diagnoses in Neno District, Malawi: a longitudinal, quasi-experimental study. BMC Health Serv Res. 2016; 16(1): 595.

The Most Dangerous Animal

It is very difficult to know which animal is the most dangerous (human beings aside). The mosquito would be a good answer, while game rangers are fond of surprising tourists by saying that it is the hippopotamus. The latter is almost certainly wrong and you can surprise the game ranger by asking him or her for evidence. There is none. But the snake is undoubtedly a very dangerous creature. Cobras and mambas are lethal, but apparently the greatest number of animal deaths worldwide is from a small, but agile viper, called the saw-scaled viper. This is a viper that likes to bite and it is ubiquitous in areas lacking modern medical facilities.

The problem, recently discovered, is that the anti-venom for this snake tends to be specific to the area in which the viper is found.[1] Small geographical differences in the structure of the protein toxin that causes blood to clot in the vessels accounts for this spatial specificity. This means that anti-venoms must be made locally.

The real problem with snake bite treatment is that anti-venoms are not available when needed or they become damaged during transit and storage. Snakes are very important for local ecologies. A campaign of extermination would probably do humans more harm than good. So the battle between person and snake, which started all those years ago in the Garden of Eden, is set to continue.

— Richard Lilford, CLAHRC WM Director

Reference:

  1. Rogalski A, SOerensen C, op den Brouw B, Lister C, Dashevsky D, Arbuckle K, Gloria A, Zdenek CN, Casewell NR, Gutiérrez JM, Wüster W, Ali SA, Masci P, Rowley P, Frank N, Fry BG. Differential procoagulant effects of saw-scaled viper (Serpentes: Viperidae: Echis) snake venoms on human plasma and the narrow taxonomic ranges of antivenom efficacies. Toxicol Lett. 2017; 280: 159-70.

Vaccination Savings

We know that vaccination is one of the most cost-effective interventions in terms of improving public health, but it can only be at its most effective if it is encouraged and supported by policy-makers and government officials. A recent paper in the Bulletin of the World Health Organization looked at the potential economic benefits of providing ten different vaccinations in 73 low- and middle-income countries.[1] These included vaccinations against hepatitis B, measles, rubella, and yellow fever. The authors found that if vaccinations were given routinely between 2001 and 2020, not only would 20 million children avoid death, but there would also be an estimated saving of $347 billion. This figure is predominantly made up of lifelong productivity gains from deaths avoided ($330 billion), but also from disabilities avoided ($9.4 billion), treatment costs ($4.5 billion), transport costs ($0.5 billion), and lost caregiver wages ($0.9 billion). Further they estimate that $820 billion would be saved from the broader economic and social value of vaccinations. The biggest contributor to these estimates was vaccination against measles, followed by H. influenza type b, S. pneumoniae, and hepatitis B.

— Peter Chilton, Research Fellow

Reference:

  1. Ozawa S, Clark S, Portnoy A, et al. Estimated economic impact of vaccinations in 73 low- and middle-income countries, 2001–2020. Bull World Health Organ. 2017

How Much Fruit and Veg is Enough?

We are often told that we should be eating five (or is it now ten?) portions of fruit and vegetables each day to protect against, amongst other things, cardiovascular disease (CVD).[1] However, such recommendations are generally based on research conducted in people from Europe, the USA, Japan and China. There is little data from countries in the Middle East, South America, Africa or South Asia.

The PURE study (Prospective Urban Rural Epidemiology) set out to rectify this, recruiting 135,000 participants from 18 countries, ranging from high-income countries, such as Sweden, to low-income countries, such as India.[2] The research team documented the diet of these individuals at baseline (using questionnaires specific to each country), then followed them up for a median of 7.4 years, looking at cardiovascular-related clinical outcomes. As expected higher intakes of fruit, vegetables and legumes were associated with lower incidences of major CVD, myocardial infarction, and mortality (cardiovascular-related and all-cause). However, the hazard ratio for all-cause mortality was lowest for three to four servings (375-400g) per day (0.78, 95%CI 0.69-0.88), with no significant decrease with higher consumption.

It is more likely that consuming around 375g of fruit/vegetables/legumes per day will be within the financial reach of people living in poorer countries, compared to the various recommendations of 400-800g that are often seen in Europe and North America. Before we ditch that extra snack of carrot sticks, however, it is important to note that factors such as food type, nutritional quality, cultivation and preparation are likely to vary between countries, while other clinical outcomes, such as cancer, were not looked at in this study.

The authors are continuing to enrol more participants, and are hoping to re-examine their results in the future.

— Peter Chilton, Research Fellow

References:

  1. Oyebode O, Gordon-Dseagu V, Walker A, Mindell JS. Fruit and vegetable consumption and all-cause, cancer and CVD mortality: analysis of Health Survey for England data. J Epidemiol Community Health. 2014; 68(9): 856-62.
  2. Miller V, Mente A, Dehghen M, et al. Fruit, vegetable, and legume intake, and cardiovascular disease and deaths in 18 countries (PURE): a prospective cohort study. Lancet. 2017.

A Secondary Sanitary Revolution? What About the First One?

Water and sanitation is being taken increasingly seriously in Low- and Middle-Income Countries (LMICs). This is a good thing because, despite improved treatment of diarrhoea and vaccination against rotavirus,[1] gastrointestinal diseases are one of the two biggest causes of death in children under the age of five.[2] Yet recent evaluations of water and sanitation interventions show patchy results [3] and are overall disappointing.[4] [5] Very few studies have been done in urban areas, but infant death rates in slums are unconscionably high.[6]

Why are water and sanitation interventions so disappointing in the LMICs of today when the Sanitary Revolution around the turn of the 19th century was so successful? Well it turns out that the Sanitary Revolution was a bit of a myth – Thomas McKeown, Professor of Social Medicine at the University of Birmingham, caused quite a stir by pointing this out in the 1970s.[7] The ‘historical epidemiology’ of this time period is intensely interesting. While sequential chlorination of water in North American cities in the early years of the 1900s was associated with corresponding dramatic drops in the incidence of typhoid fever,[8] establishment of water and sanitation in the Netherlands [9] and Estonia [10] produced no benefit whatsoever on gastrointestinal deaths. Only one-third of the reduction in gastrointestinal-related deaths observed in around the turn of the 18th century Germany could be attributed to water and sanitation improvements.[9]
So why do water and sanitation interventions produce such variable, and often disappointing, benefits? In rural India this can often be attributed to low use of facilities, but little or no health benefit has been observed, even when uptake has been high. A number of (non-exclusive) theories can be adduced:

1) The inadequate dose theory. This holds that the type of intervention deployed in LMICs has generally been inadequate. For example, pit latrines (classed as ‘improved sewerage’ by the UN) do not clean up the environment adequately.[11] Similarly, water pipes may be installed, but the water may be contaminated en route.[12] St Petersburg is a notorious example.

2) The tipping point theory. This theory is an elaboration of the above inadequate dose theory and postulates a non-linear relationship between the intensity, type of water and sanitation (facility), and coverage of interventions and health, with increasing and then decreasing returns to scale as shown in Figure 1. By this theory, many interventions (such as pit latrines) simply fail to reach the ‘tipping point’, especially in densely inhabited city areas.

085 DCB A Secondary Sanitary Revolution Fig 1

3) The deep contamination theory (Figure 2). By this theory contamination follows many routes and becomes embedded in local communities, with transmission routes that are frequently replenished, so that garbage dumps, flies, nappies, soil and the human gut all act as repositories of infection. Food may be contaminated along its supply chain, as well as in preparation. Floods sweep sewage out of drains and back into communities. Cleaning up such an environment moves the tipping point (shown in Figure 1) to the right (meaning it is harder to reach) and may also take time to effect – a point to which we return.

Microbiology

4) The multiple agent hypothesis. By this theory some germs are more easily eradicated than others. Typhoid is waterborne, but, unlike cholera, it cannot replicate in water. Ensuring uncontaminated water may be enough to eradicate this particular problem. However, hookworms are at the other end of the spectrum, since they can be carried asymptomatically and linger in soil. There is even some evidence that organisms gain virulence as they are passed rapidly from host to host.[13] So this theory predicts that some types of infection might decrease more rapidly than others in response to an intervention. Moreover, some real gains, with respect to some type of serious infection, might be obscured by little or no change in more common, but less serious infections.

5) The multiple causes theory. This theory relies on evidence that malnutrition and gastrointestinal infections are self-reinforcing. Certainly malnutrition is associated with an altered microbiome, which, in turn, reduces absorption of food, creating a vicious cycle.[14] The microbiome affects the immune system, which, in turn, affects resistance to infection.

6) The ‘double-handed’ hygiene hypothesis. Hygiene can compensate for dirty water and a contaminated environment, and some of the most consistently effective interventions in LMICs have been based on improved hygiene and near use decontamination.[4] [15] On the other hand, hygiene does not seem important in places where exposure to harmful pathogens is low and, in such circumstances, hygiene may be too fastidious, leading to allergic illnesses.

7) The insensitive outcome hypothesis. Measuring the health benefit of sanitation is not unproblematic – the standard question on diarrhoea enquires about loose stools over a three-day period, and the measurement error appears to be large.[16] An account of blood in stools, signifying dysentery (Shigella and amoeba) is more specific, but is much rarer, leading to imprecision (lack of statistical power). Anthropological measurements reflect long-term conditions, and many factors, including gastrointestinal infections and malnutrition (see above), and also age of weaning, birth weight, and mother’s weight (inter-generational effects). We are working on designing a better (equally sensitive, but more specific and less reactive) method to measure gastrointestinal health.[17]

There may well be an element of truth in all these hypotheses. If a fully functioning water and sewerage system was installed, lanes paved and drained, and garbage eliminated, then there would probably be an impressive and rapid improvement in gastrointestinal health, especially if malnutrition was also tackled. But the same water and sewerage system would probably have moderate and delayed benefits if not accompanied by the other measures mentioned. What nutrition and vaccination would achieve without water and sanitation is unknown, but as they are less expensive, the experiment should be tried in places where water and sanitation improvements are some time away. In-depth study of transmission routes will help explicate some of the other theories postulated and careful comparative studies will help identify the tipping point for the most cost-effective solutions. What is for sure is that science has a role to play in unravelling the process by which we may achieve a Second Sanitary Revolution.

— Richard Lilford, CLAHRC WM Director

References:

  1. GBD Diarrhoeal Diseases Collaborators. Estimates of global, regional, and national morbidity, mortality, and aetiologies of diarrhoeal diseases: a systematic analysis for the Global Burden of Disease Study 2015. Lancet Infect Dis. 2017; 17: 909-48.
  2. Global Burden of Disease Pediatrics Collaboration. Global and National Burden of Diseases and Injuries Among Children and Adolescents Between 1990 and 2013. JAMA Pediatr. 2016; 170(3): 267-87.
  3. Lilford RJ, Oyebode O, Satterthwaite D, et al. Improving the health and welfare of people who live in slums. Lancet. 2017; 389: 559-70.
  4. Wolf J, Prüss-Ustün A, Cumming O, et al. Assessing the impact of drinking water and sanitation on diarrhoeal disease in low- and middle-income settings: systematic review and meta-regression. Trop Med Int Health. 2014; 19(8): 928-42.
  5. Fuller JA, Westphal JA, Kenney B, Eisenberg JNS. The joint effects of water and sanitation on diarrhoeal disease: a multicountry analysis of the Demographic and Health Surveys. Trop Med Int Health. 2015; 20(3): 284-92.
  6. Feikin DR, Olack B, Bigogo GM, et al. The burden of common infectious disease syndromes at the clinic and household level from population-based surveillance in rural and urban Kenya. PLoS One. 2011; 6: e16085.
  7. McKeown T, Record RG, Turner RD. An interpretation of the decline of mortality in England and Wales during the twentieth century. Popul Stud. 1975. 29(3): 391-422.
  8. Cutler D & Miller G. The Role of Public Health Improvements in Health Advances: The 20th Century United States. NBER Working Paper 10511. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research; 2004.
  9. Van Poppel F & van der Heijden C. The effects of water supply on infant and childhood mortality: a review of historical evidence. Health Trans Rev. 1997; 7(2): 113-48.
  10. Jaadla H & Puur A. The impact of water supply and sanitation on infant mortality: Individual-level evidence from Tartu, Estonia, 1897-1900. Popul Stud. 2016; 70(2): 163-79.
  11. Nakagiri A, Niwagaba CB, Nyenje PM, Kulabako RN, Tumuhairwe JB, Kansiime F. Are pit latrines in urban areas of sub-Saharan Africa performing? A review of usage, filling, insects and odour nuisances. BMC Public Health. 2016; 16: 120.
  12. Eschol J, Mahapatra P, Keshapagu S. Is fecal contamination of drinking water after collection associated with household water handling and hygiene practices? A study of urban slum households in Hyderabad, India. J Water Health. 2009; 7(1): 145-54.
  13. Ewald PW. Waterborne transmission and the evolution of virulence among gastrointestinal bacteria. Epidemiol Infect. 1991; 106: 83-119.
  14. Rook G, Bäckhed F, Levin BR, McFall-Ngai MJ, McLean AR. Evolution, human-microbe interactions, and life history plasticity. Lancet. 2017; 390: 521-30.
  15. Freeman MC, Garn JV, Sclar GD, Boisson S. The impact of sanitation on infectious disease and nutritional status: A systematic review and meta-analysis. Int J Hyg Environ Health. 2017; 220(6): 928-49.
  16. Schmidt WP, Arnold BF, Boisson S, et al. Epidemiological methods in diarrhoea studies – an update. Int J Epidemiol. 2011; 40(6): 1678-92.
  17. Lilford RJ. Protocol to Test Hypothesis That Streptococcal Infections and Their Sequelae Have Risen in Incidence Over the Last 14 Years in England. NIHR CLAHRC West Midlands News Blog. 13 January 2017.

Measuring the Quality of Health Care in Low-Income Settings

Measuring the quality of health care in High-Income Countries (HIC) is deceptively difficult, as shown by work carried out by many research groups, including CLAHRC WM.[1-5] However, a large amount of information is collected routinely by health care facilities in HICs. This data includes outcome data, such as Standardised Mortality Rates (SMRs), death rates from ’causes amenable to health care’, readmission rates, morbidity rates (such as pressure damage), and patient satisfaction, along with process data, such as waiting times, prescribing errors, and antibiotic use. There is controversy over many of these endpoints, and some are much better barometers of safety than others. While incident reporting systems provide a very poor basis for epidemiological studies (that is not their purpose), case-note review provides arguably the best and most widely used method for formal study of care quality – at least in hospitals.[3] [6] [7] Measuring safety in primary care is inhibited by the less comprehensive case-notes found in primary care settings as compared to hospital case-notes. Nevertheless, increasing amounts of process information is now available from general practices, particularly in countries (such as the UK) that collect this information routinely in electronic systems. It is possible, for example, to measure rates of statin prescriptions for people with high cardiovascular risk, and anticoagulants for people with ventricular fibrillation, as our CLAHRC has shown.[8] [9] HICs also conduct frequent audits of specific aspects of care – essentially by asking clinicians to fill in detailed pro formas for patients in various categories. For instance, National Audits in the UK have been carried out into all patients experiencing a myocardial infarction.[10] Direct observation of care has been used most often to understand barriers and facilitators to good practice, rather than to measure quality / safety in a quantitative way. However, routine data collection systems provide a measure of patient satisfaction with care – in the UK people who were admitted to hospital are surveyed on a regular basis [11] and general practices are required to arrange for anonymous patient feedback every year.[12] Mystery shoppers (simulated patients) have also been used from time to time, albeit not as a comparative epidemiological tool.[13]

This picture is very different in Low- and Middle-Income Countries (LMIC) and, again, it is yet more difficult to assess quality of out of hospital care than of hospital care.[14] Even in hospitals routine mortality data may not be available, let alone process data. An exception is the network of paediatric centres established in Kenya by Prof Michael English.[15] Occasionally large scale bespoke studies are carried out in LMICs – for example, a recent study in which CLAHRC WM participated, measured 30 day post-operative mortality rates in over 60 hospitals across low-, middle- and high-income countries.[16]

The quality and outcomes of care in community settings in LMICs is a woefully understudied area. We are attempting to correct this ‘dearth’ of information in a study in nine slums spread across four African and Asian countries. One of the largest obstacles to such a study is the very fragmented nature of health care provision in community settings in LMICs – a finding confirmed by a recent Lancet commission.[17] There are no routine data collection systems, and even deaths are not registered routinely. Where to start?

In this blog post I lay out a framework for measurement of quality from largely isolated providers, many of whom are unregulated, in a system where there is no routine system of data and no archive of case-notes. In such a constrained situation I can think of three (non-exclusive) types of study:

  1. Direct observation of the facilities where care is provided without actually observing care or its effects. Such observation is limited to some of the basic building blocks of a health care system – what services are present (e.g. number of pharmacies per 1,000 population) and availability (how often the pharmacy is open; how often a doctor / nurse / medical officer is available for consultation in a clinic). Such a ‘mapping’ exercise does not capture all care provided – e.g. it will miss hospital care and municipal / hospital-based outreach care, such as vaccination provided by Community Health Workers. It will also miss any IT based care using apps or online consultations.
  2. Direct observation of the care process by external observers. Researchers can observe care from close up, for example during consultations. Such observations can cover the humanity of care (which could be scored) and/or technical quality (which again could be scored against explicit standards and/or in a holistic (implicit) basis).[6] [7] An explicit standard would have to be based mainly on ‘if-then’ rules – e.g. if a patient complained of weight loss, excessive thirst, or recurrent boils, did the clinicians test their urine for sugar; if the patient complained of persistent productive cough and night sweats was a test for TB arranged? Implicit standards suffer from low reliability (high inter-observer variation).[18] Moreover, community providers in LMICs are arguably likely to be resistant to what they might perceive as an intrusive or even threatening form of observation. Those who permitted such scrutiny are unlikely to constitute a random sample. More vicarious observations – say of the length of consultations – would have some value, but might still be seen as intrusive. Provided some providers would permit direct observation, their results may represent an ‘upper bound’ on performance.
  3. Quality as assessed through the eyes of the patient / members of the public. Given the limitations of independent observation, the lack of anamnestic records of clinical encounters in the form of case-notes, absence of routine data, and likely limitations on access by independent direct observers, most information may need to be collected from patients themselves, or as we discuss, people masquerading as patients (simulated patients / mystery shoppers). The following types of data collection methods can be considered:
    1. Questions directed at members of the public regarding preventive services. So, households could be asked about vaccinations, surveillance (say for malnutrition), and their knowledge of screening services offered on a routine basis. This is likely to provide a fairly accurate measure of the quality of preventive services (provided the sampling strategy was carefully designed to yield a representative sample). This method could also provide information on advice and care provided through IT resources. This is a situation where some anamnestic data collection would be possible (with the permission of the respondent) since it would be possible to scroll back through the electronic ‘record’.
    2. Opinion surveys / debriefing following consultations. This method offers a viable alternative to observation of consultations and would be less expensive (though still not inexpensive). Information on the kindness / humanity of services could be easily obtained and quantified, along with ease of access to ambulatory and emergency care.[19] Measuring clinical quality would again rely on observations against a gold standard,[20] but given the large number of possible clinical scenarios standardising quality assessment would be tricky. However, a coarse-grained assessment would be possible and, given the low quality levels reported anecdotally, failure to achieve a high degree of standardisation might not vitiate collection of important information. Such a method might provide insights into the relative merits and demerits of traditional vs. modern health care, private vs. public, etc., provided that these differences were large.
    3. Simulated patients offering standardised clinical scenarios. This is arguably the optimal method of technical quality assessment in settings where case-notes are perfunctory or not available. Again, consultations could be scored for humanity of care and clinical/ technical competence, and again explicit and/or implicit standards could be used. However, we do not believe it would be ethical to use this method without obtaining assent from providers. There are some examples of successful use of the methods in LMICs.[21] [22] However, if my premise is accepted that providers must assent to use of simulated patients, then it is necessary to first establish trust between providers and academic teams, and this takes time. Again, there is a high probability that only the better providers will provide assent, in which case observations would likely represent ‘upper bounds’ on quality.

In conclusion, I think that the basic tools of quality assessment, in the current situation where direct observation and/or simulated patients are not acceptable, is a combination of:

  1. Direct observation of facilities that exist, along with ease of access to them, and
  2. Debriefing of people who have recently used the health facilities, or who might have received preventive services that are not based in these facilities.

We do not think that the above mentioned shortcomings of these methods is a reason to eschew assessment of service quality in community settings (such as slums) in LMICs – after all, one of the most powerful levers to improvement is quantitative evidence of current care quality.[23] [24] The perfect should not be the enemy of the good. Moreover, if the anecdotes I have heard regarding care quality (providers who hand out only three types of pill – red, yellow and blue; doctors and nurses who do not turn up for work; prescription of antibiotics for clearly non-infectious conditions) are even partly true, then these methods would be more than sufficient to document standards and compare them across types of provider and different settings.

— Richard Lilford, CLAHRC WM Director

References:

  1. Brown C, Hofer T, Johal A, Thomson R, Nicholl J, Franklin BD, Lilford RJ. An epistemology of patient safety research: a framework for study design and interpretation. Part 1. Conceptualising and developing interventions. Qual Saf Health Care. 2008; 17(3): 158-62.
  2. Brown C, Hofer T, Johal A, Thomson R, Nicholl J, Franklin BD, Lilford RJ. An epistemology of patient safety research: a framework for study design and interpretation. Part 2. Study design. Qual Saf Health Care. 2008; 17(3): 163-9.
  3. Brown C, Hofer T, Johal A, Thomson R, Nicholl J, Franklin BD, Lilford RJ. An epistemology of patient safety research: a framework for study design and interpretation. Part 3. End points and measurement. Qual Saf Health Care. 2008; 17(3): 170-7.
  4. Brown C, Hofer T, Johal A, Thomson R, Nicholl J, Franklin BD, Lilford RJ. An epistemology of patient safety research: a framework for study design and interpretation. Part 4. One size does not fit all. Qual Saf Health Care. 2008; 17(3): 178-81.
  5. Brown C, Lilford R. Evaluating service delivery interventions to enhance patient safety. BMJ. 2008; 337: a2764.
  6. Benning A, Ghaleb M, Suokas A, Dixon-Woods M, Dawson J, Barber N, et al. Large scale organisational intervention to improve patient safety in four UK hospitals: mixed method evaluation. BMJ. 2011; 342: d195.
  7. Benning A, Dixon-Woods M, Nwulu U, Ghaleb M, Dawson J, Barber N, et al. Multiple component patient safety intervention in English hospitals: controlled evaluation of second phase. BMJ. 2011; 342: d199.
  8. Finnikin S, Ryan R, Marshall T. Cohort study investigating the relationship between cholesterol, cardiovascular risk score and the prescribing of statins in UK primary care: study protocol. BMJ Open. 2016; 6(11): e013120.
  9. Adderley N, Ryan R, Marshall T. The role of contraindications in prescribing anticoagulants to patients with atrial fibrillation: a cross-sectional analysis of primary care data in the UK. Br J Gen Pract. 2017. [ePub].
  10. Herrett E, Smeeth L, Walker L, Weston C, on behalf of the MINAP Academic Group. The Myocardial Ischaemia National Audit Project (MINAP). Heart. 2010; 96: 1264-7.
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  12. Ipsos MORI. GP Patient Survey. National Report. July 2017 Publication. London: NHS England, 2017.
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  14. Nolte E & McKee M. Measuring and evaluating performance. In: Smith RD & Hanson K (eds). Health Systems in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: An economic and policy perspective. Oxford: Oxford University Press; 2011.
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Worm Wars Continued

We have discussed results of deworming before and argued that it is important to treat at cluster level because of rapid re-infection from reservoirs in soil. A recent important meta-analysis compares deworming targeted at children versus a community-wide intervention.[1] It finds that community-wide approaches are more effective than treatment targeted at children for roundworms (Ascaris) and hookworms (Ancylostoma), but not whipworms (Trichuris). This finding is consistent with the much greater efficiency of the medicine in the former two worm types. The relative effect was greater in roundworms (odds ratio >16) than the more dangerous hookworms (OR >4), consistent with the shorter life-span of hookworm eggs than of roundworm eggs. These are important findings, but there is a worry that resistance may emerge with mass treatment. It would be interesting to see whether any studies have been done in slum populations specifically.

— Richard Lilford, CLAHRC WM Director

Reference:

  1. Clarke NE, Clements ACA, Doi SA, et al. Differential effect of mass deworming and targeted deworming for soil-transmitted helminth control in children: a systematic review and meta-analysis. Lancet. 2017; 389: 287-97.

Between Policy and Practice – the Importance of Health Service Research in Low- and Middle-Income Countries

There is a large and growing literature on disease and its causes in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) – not only infectious disease, but also non-communicable diseases. Endless studies are published on disease incidence and prevalence, for example. There is also a substantial literature on policy / health systems,[1] much captured in the Health Systems Evidence database.[2] This deals with topics such as general taxation vs. contributory insurance, financial incentives for providers, and use of private providers to extend coverage.

However, how to provide health services given general policy and a certain profile of disease is less well studied. Issues such as skill mix (e.g. who should do what), distribution of services (e.g. hospital vs. clinic vs. home) and coverage (e.g. how many nurses or clinics are needed per head of population) are less well studied. For example, there have been calls for Africa to increase the capacity of Community Health Workers (CHW) to one million, but no-one knows the optimal mix of CHWs to nurses to medical officers to doctors, for example. Likewise, the mix of outreach services (e.g. CHWs), clinics, pharmacies, private facilities, and traditional healers that can best serve populations is very unclear according to a recent Lancet commission.[3] The situation in slums is positively chaotic. One could sit in an arm chair and propose a service configuration for slum environments of 10,000 people that looks like this:

071-dcb-figure-1

The role of CHWs could be narrow (vaccination, child malnutrition), intermediate (vaccination, child malnutrition, sexual and reproductive health), or broad (all of the above, plus hypertension, obesity prevention, adherence to treatment, detection of depression, etc.). HIV and TB screening and treatment maintenance could be separate or included in the above, and so on.

Note that decisions about workforce and how and where the workforce is deployed have to be made irrespective of how care is financed, or whether financial or other incentives are used – decisions are still needed about who is to be incentivised to do what. And people do not appear overnight, so training (and the associated costs) must be included in cost and economic models. Of course, the range of possibilities according to per capita wealth in a country is large, but we do not know what good looks like in countries of approximately equal wealth. Here is the rub – it is much easier to study a diseases and its determinants than to study health services. Yet another study to link pollution to illness is easy to write as an applicant and understand as a reviewer. But talk about skill mix and eyes glaze over. Yet there is little point in measuring disease ever more precisely if there is no service to do anything about it.

— Richard Lilford, CLAHRC WM Director

References:

  1. Mills A. Health Care Systems in Low- and Middle-Income Countries. New Engl J Med. 2014; 370: 552-7.
  2. McMaster University. Health systems evidence. Hamilton, Canada: McMaster University. 2017.
  3. McPake B, & Hanson K. Managing the public–private mix to achieve universal health coverage. Lancet. 2016; 388: 622-30.

The ‘Robin Hood’ Hypothesis in 33 African Countries

Across low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), over 50% of total health care spending is derived from out-of-pocket expenses. Some of these are formal recognised tariffs in public health systems. However, a proportion are irregular or informal payments (bribes/kick-backs). It is hypothesised that these informal payments are used to subsidise the poor at the expense of the rich after the fashion of Robin Hood in English folklore. Enter results from a series of publically available repeated surveys called ‘Afrobarometer‘. Here public attitudes and experiences relating to democracy and governance are surveyed in 18 African counties. Nationally representative samples of over 25,000 individuals are selected randomly across participating countries. Afrobarometer provides the data for an important study [1] of the extent to which informal payments were elicited across people of different income levels (according to the Lived Poverty Index). Far from confirming the Robin Hood hypothesis, the authors find a higher occurrence of bribe paying among the poorest people across the countries studied – elasticity is negative in that the richer the person, the lower the probability that they will have paid a bribe on attending a health care facility. These results are similar to those obtained in a previous study in Hungary. There is some evidence that the problem is worse in cities where service providers are less likely to have known or have community affiliations with patients. This finding reminds me of the Bible scripture – “For whosoever hath, to him shall be given… but whosoever hath not, from him shall be taken away...” (Matthew 13:12).

— Richard Lilford, CLAHRC WM Director

Reference:

  1. Kankeu HT, Ventelou B. Socioeconomic inequalities in informal payments for health care: An assessment of the ‘Robin Hood’ hypothesis in 33 African countries. Soc Sci Med. 2016; 151: 173-86.